CARTOONING
THE ROARING TWENTIES  
      Part One:
        January 1920 - December 1922 
                
      THE DECADE that
        has entered American mythology yclept "the roaring twenties" was
        created, it is sometimes alleged, by F. Scott Fitzgerald, a novelist,
        and John Held, Jr., a cartoonist.  Gratifying as it may be to partisans
        of the literary and graphic arts to fancy that the social temper of a
        distinctive period of U.S. history could be brought into being through the
        power of the pen, life did not really imitate art any more readily in the
        twenties than it does now.  It's true that Fitzgerald's 1920 novel, This
          Side of Paradise, captured the spirit of disillusioned ennui and
        impertinent disregard for convention that infected the joy-riding Younger
        Generation in post-World War I America.  And it's true that Held's drawings of
        spindle-shanked flappers and bell-bottomed shieks of a few years later became
        the iconography of what Fitzgerald had christened the Jazz Age.  But the 1920s
        did not roar because of the ministrations of either the novelist or the
        cartoonist.  In the beginning, in fact, it wasn't a roar at all that
        distinguished the period:  it was a hum. 
              A quiet
        hum at first— quiet but persistent.  A hum that grew in volume until it became
        a steady drone and then, finally, a thunderous rumble.  It was the sound of
        business enterprise, of manufacturing and commerce.  It was the sound of
        twentieth century America. 
              The
        U.S. had been on the threshold of a mass production, mass consumption economy
        before World War I; wartime production and its aftermath pushed the country
        through the portal.  The war effort had enlarged and speeded up production
        capacities for manufactured goods and for food, which the U.S. supplied to
        European nations as well as itself.  By the end of the hostilities, Americans
        were producing more than they could easily consume.  Initially, this
        circumstance resulted in a short depression.  But then the canny American
        businessman mustered the salesman and the advertising man "to break down
        consumer resistance" (in the phrase of the day), to cajole the consumer
        into consuming.   
              Advertisers
        met the challenge with better design, more lavish page spreads, and more of
        every kind of advertising— stimulating the growth of newspapers and magazines,
        and providing a livelihood for legions of commercial artists and writers.  Ads
        were no longer merely announcements:  they were enticements, veritable
        seductions.  And the good-natured, happy-go-lucky peddler of yore became a
        wholly predatory creature.  As his managers put it, "It's not enough to be
        an order-taker anymore:  you've got to be a salesman."  And
        an increase in installment plan buying aided and abetted the advertiser and the
        salesman in their endeavors.  
              The
        fabled prosperity of the twenties stemmed entirely from the successful efforts
        of the sales forces of every industry to move goods rapidly from the end of the
        ever-rolling assembly line by creating a waiting public eager to buy.  And
        prosperity characterized the twenties more comprehensively than any of the
        other accouterments of the Age— jazz, short skirts, hip flasks, contentious
        youth, bathtub gin, gangster warfare, or the emergence of radio as a national
        anodyne.  The unparalleled affluence of the times was the bedrock upon which a
        fun-loving populace built their soaring pleasure palace of frivolity. 
              All of
        this merchantile hue and cry was aflame with feelings of patriotic dedication
        left over from the War years.  What was good for business was good for
        prosperity, and what was good for prosperity was good for the country. 
        Business and patriotism were thus allied in noble purpose.  And the grossest
        materialistic ambition was the offspring of the conception.  
              The
        signal of business success was profit, and its symbol was the possession of
        money and the things it could buy.  So money was perforce worshipped.  The
        measure of a successful business became the measure of all success, and, by an
        extension of the same logic, business was venerated with a new, almost pious,
        devotion.  One of the best-selling non-fiction books of the mid-twenties was
        Bruce Barton's The Man Nobody Knows.  Jesus, Barton proclaimed, was not
        only the most popular dinner guest in Jerusalem, but he was a great business
        executive.  In forging a world-conquering organization from a nucleus of twelve
        common men ("at the bottom ranks of business"), Jesus proved himself
  "the founder of modern business."  And so was the public at large
        reassured that the new national religion of America was entirely right and
        proper. 
              In
        short, the twenties saw the modern age take definitive form— an age dominated
        by advertising, mass production, consumer economics, business enterprise,
        standardization, mass communications and entertainment, and electrical
        appliances of every description.  All of these facets of modern life had been
        taking shape before and during World War I.  And by the early 1920s, they had
        emerged enough to give glittering substance to an entirely new way of life.   
              The
        country was becoming a nation of city-dwellers; the sometimes leisured pace of
        rural living was being replaced by the constant bustle of urban industry (both
        personal and commercial).  Life in almost every respect was different than it
        had been before the War, and the contrast between the present and the past was
        sharper than it had ever been in the history of mankind.  The difference was
        nowhere more evident than in the female half of the population. 
               
        
      THE FLAPPER OF
        THE 1920S was as different from her mother in 1905 as a strut down a runway
        from a stroll in the park.  To begin with, the woman of the twenties looked
        different.  She had short hair.  And she had begun to use cosmetics, once
        deemed the exclusive (and immoral) right of "painted ladies" of the
        evening and the streets.  And she dressed differently.  In 1913, a woman's
        complete costume required about 19-1/2 yards of material; in 1928, about 7
        yards.  During the intervening 15 years, women had achieved increasing social
        mobility, moving out of the home and into the market place and the speakeasy,
        participating to a far greater extent in the economic and social life of the
        times.   
              Their
        activities no longer confined to the home, women found the old styles of dress
        physically restrictive in many of their new endeavors.  So the materials used
        for women's clothing became lighter, and skirts became shorter.  Because the
        revolution in feminine attire was led by the Younger Generation, the clothes
        were also sexier.  Hemlines began climbing after the War and continued to do so
        steadily until 1927 when skirts never reached any lower than the knee.  There
        hemlines stayed until the end of the decade.   
              Knees
        were not the only evidence of the new feminine presence in the public eye. 
        Women were more and more in other public places, too.  Although few of the
        women of the Younger Generation threw themselves into politics as a result of
        getting the vote in 1920, women's suffrage had an important psychological
        effect upon women.  It declared them men's equals.  It consolidated legally the
        vocational roles women had won by default during the War when they had
        demonstrated they could do men's work in factories and all manner of businesses
        while their men were off in the trenches of the European conflict.   
              After
        the War, their vocational prospects no longer confined to teaching and to
        social and clerical work, women poured into every kind of occupation.  Changed
        political and social conventions had lifted former roadblocks, but women's
        invasion of the job market was made possible by the invention, manufacture, and
        sale in vast quantity of modern conveniences for the home that freed women from
        the full-time drudgery of housework. 
              With
        many more jobs open to them than ever before, women enjoyed a new
        independence--freedom from economic bondage to parents or husbands.  And with
        economic freedom came freedom from parental and husbandly authority, too. 
        Women, who, two decades earlier, had been seen as the guardians and exemplars
        of morality— the constant thread, the pattern in the moral fabric— were now as
        free to live (and to sin) as men.  And women were quick to join men in living
        (and in sinning), brandishing (in public!) that scandalous emblem of their
        emancipation, the smoldering cigarette. 
              The
        rebelliousness that animated the early years of the decade drew young men and
        young women together in a common cause.  They pursued the good life and good
        times together— completely unchaperoned, as befitted their new freedom.  For
        the Younger Generation, the ultimate symbol of their new state was the
        automobile— particularly the enclosed automobile:  it represented the last
        phase of their liberation, the ultimate escape from parental supervision.  And
        the automobile enabled them to go when and where they wished and to do as they
        pleased when they got there.  
        
        
      AND WHEN
        PROHIBITION closed saloon doors, the consquent advent of the speakeasy opened
        another door for women.  Social drinking became a universally accepted
        recreation for both sexes.  The saloon had been an almost exclusively male
        haunt; the speakeasy was enthusiastically co-educational.  "Under the new
        regime," as one wag put it, "not only the drinks were mixed but the
        company as well."  And in mixed company, the Younger Generation shed all
        the taboos of their elders as they alternatively necked and talked the nights
        away.  Science and religion and sex were the usual conversation topics. 
              Not
        everyone rejoiced in the new-found freedoms of the decade.  The Older
        Generation was usually baffled and frequently outraged by the shennanigans of
        Flaming Youth on every hand.  But their disapproval was a mere clucking tongue
        compared to the repressive aura of Prohibition that glowered over the land. 
              Oddly,
        the country wheeled into the 1920s behind a brace of Constitutional Amendments
        that seemed almost contradictory in spirit:  yoked to the one that let in the
        fresh air of opportunity by freeing women from the slavery of their sex was the
        one that dimmed the light of individual liberty by prohibiting the manufacture
        and sale (but not, strangely, the consumption) of intoxicating beverages for
        recreational purposes.  Women first voted in the Presidential Election of 1920;
        the country had gone dry at midnight on January 16 of the same year. 
              Chief
        among the forces promoting Prohibition was the Anti-Saloon League, which had
        spent decades lobbying for its cause.  Symbolic of the League's stance was
        political cartoonist Rollin Kirby's Mr. Dry, whose funereal attire and pinched
        and scowling visage caricatured the restrictive nature of the movement. 
         Mr.
        Dry's history was as long as the League's:  his antecedents were cartoonist
        Joseph Keppler's Old Man Prohibition (c. 1869) and a similar figure that had
        depicted William Lloyd Garrison and the ultra-abolutionists of the pre-Civil
        War period.  Kirby revived the gaunt and spectral figure, and it was widely
        imitated by his fellow cartoonists, becoming as ubiquitous an icon of the Age
        as Held's flappers. 
              In
        dubbing their foe Demon Rum, the proponents of Prohibition revealed the
        essentially religious inspiration of their movement.  Organized religion during
        the twenties was beset by the emerging prestige of science and the habits of
        scientific thought fostered by the discipline.  Those who resisted the advance
        of rational thinking and insisted on the literal truth of every word in the
        Bible began in 1921 to call themselves Fundamentalists; those who sought to
        reconcile their beliefs with the progress of science by interpreting the Bible
        according to scientific knowledge were called Modernists.   
              Regardless
        of the position one took, religion was very much in the air:  religious debate
        on these questions enlivened the social scene among the Younger Generation, and
        religious convictions of one sort or another prompted Mr. Dry and his prudish
        minions to oppose many aspects of modern life that they deemed as damaging to
        the soul as alcohol— dancing, anything hinting at human sexuality, certain
        kinds of music and certain books, tobacco, certain movies, the new style of
        feminine dress, nudity even in art, gambling, card-playing of all kinds,
        laughter, and (or so it seemed) all other manifestations of people having a
        good time.   
              The
        threat of censorship was rampant throughout the twenties in almost every phase
        of human endeavor.  And many cities enacted Blue Laws that preserved the
        sanctity of the Sabbath by preventing stores from doing business on Sundays and
        prohibiting dancing and all other forms of recreation that day. 
              It is
        difficult to imagine a more perfectly mismatched set of social forces than
        those represented by the self-indulgent and mutinous Flaming Youth of the
        twenties and by the self-righteous champions of moralistic rectitude fired with
        religious purpose:  the latter opposed every act of the former as flagrant
        licentiousness; the former ridiculed the latter and baited their foe with ever
        more shocking conduct.   
              It is
        no wonder the twenties roared.  Quite apart from the all-night din of the
        seemingly endless parties of the Age, there was the sound of the Young
        contending against repression, their rebellion seemingly sanctified by the
        wholesale flaunting of Prohibition they saw on every hand. 
        
        
      THE CARTOONS at
        hand, although few in number, book capture something of the flavor of American
        life in the twenties.  But while the cartoons reflect the tenor of the times,
        the image we see in them is not a mirror image— not a copy but a refraction, an
        image distorted by the attitudes of the times towards contemporary events. 
              Women,
        for instance, are not depicted in these cartoons as responsible citizens newly
        enfranchised.  Instead, they seem vain, fickle, trivial, not just a little
        dizzy, and wholly incapable of any rational thought or practical enterprise
        unless it involves snaring a man or spending money or personal grooming.  This
        is not an accurate portrayal of real women at the time (except, perhaps, for
        the flapper, who studiously cultivated precisely the public personna I've just
        described).  But it is a reflection of the times:  women are ridiculed and made
        to seem silly and inconsequential precisely because they were suddenly more
        visible in society.  As new arrivals, they are held up for examination:  the
        stereotypes of ages are juxtaposed against this new visibility, and the comedy
        arises because the stereotypes are so obviously unsuited for the new social
        role that women had taken on. 
              The
        stereotypes are unkind as well as false, but they were typical of much of the
        thinking that prevailed then (and in this collection, many of the portraits of
        dingy females are drawn by women— Barksdale Rogers, Alice Harvey [no
        relation], and Ethel Plummer).  But they reflect not only the prejudice
        of their time:  they reflect the new fact about women, too.  In previous times,
        women were not so frequently seen in cartoons— probably because they were not
        so much in evidence in the social life of those times. 
              This
        sampling also represents the state of the art of magazine cartooning in the
        early 1920s.  The modern single-panel single-speaker cartoon in which the
        caption explains the picture and the picture adds meaning to the caption had
        not yet fully evolved from the humorous illustration of the nineteenth century
        in which the comedy resides in a “conversation” taking place beneath the
        picture.  In fact, many of the cartoons here are little more than illustrated
        comic dialogue or verbal word-play:  the pictures create the setting and tell
        us who is speaking, but they add little or no meaning to the words that run
        underneath in the so-called "He-She" formula of the day.  Still,
        there are occasional cartoons of the modern sort in which words and pictures
        blend to create a comic meaning that neither evokes when standing alone by
        itself.   
              Interestingly,
        the much-touted role of The New Yorker magazine in the evolution of the
        modern panel cartoon is shown herein to be ill-founded.  (See also Harv’s
          Hindsight for October 2004.) The cartoon with the single-speaker
        caption was clearly not invented by Harold Ross and his artists and
        writers at The New Yorker:  Ross's magazine was founded in 1925, but the
        single-speaker caption cartoon is much in evidence earlier in the decade, as
        you will soon see, even if it is not yet the prevalent form of the panel
        cartoon. 
              The
        cartoons here were first published in the humor magazine Life between
        January 1920 and December 1922.  The criteria by which I made my selection is
        both scientific and (probably) eccentric.  I picked cartoons whose gags are
        topical, revealing something about their times; but I also picked some cartoons
        whose comedy seemed to me timeless— and others because their satirical thrust
        was astonishingly contemporary still, more than ninety years later.  Some cartoons
        I picked simply to show how old some jokes are. 
              I tried
        to include a sample of the work of the cartoonists regularly published in Life, but I also tended to pick more cartoons by some cartoonists than by others
        simply because I liked their drawings better.  I chose a couple cartoons by R.M.
          Crosby (whose signature— a squiggle that is virtually indecipherable)
        because of his exquisitely fragile way of modeling female faces, for instance. 
        And I picked a number of cartoons with pretty girls in them partly to show the
        rapid change in female fashions through the years, partly because women were,
        as I've said, a significant presence in this period in ways they hadn't been
        before— and partly for the same reason those cartoons were probably published
        in the first place:  because pretty women are nice to look at (and in these
        cartoons the women are clearly intended to be looked at more than laughed at). 
              Overriding
        all these considerations was one other:  Was the cartoon funny?  In this
        connection, I was often influenced by the form of the cartoon:  I was inclined
        to pick cartoons in which the sense of the words depended upon understanding
        the picture and vice versa over those that were merely illustrated verbal
        jokes.  I haven’t eliminated all of the latter by this criteria (nor did I want
        to), but the consequence of my disposition is that this collection is doubtless
        more "modern" because of this bias of mine than the original source
        is. 
              There
        are other ways in which this exhibit is not truly representational.  There were
        proportionally far more cartoons about cuddly dogs and cute kids in the pages
        of the old Life than there are here. There are enough here to suggest
        one of the abiding comic interests of those days— but not enough, I hope, to
        surfeit interest.  Finally, confined to the contents of Life because no
        other magazines of the period (College Humor, Judge) were readily
        available to me, this selection is scarcely comprehensive.  There were
        cartoonists of the 1920s whose work never appeared in Life.  But even if
        this collection falls short of being encyclopedic, it is still representational
        insofar as it shows in general the kind of cartoon being published in the
        twenties and, in specific, the work of certain of the period's most popular
        cartoonists. 
              Some of
        those cartoonists made greater names for themselves later with newspaper comic
        strips than they had with panel cartoons:  Russ Westover went on to do Tillie
          the Toiler (starting in 1921); Carl Anderson, Henry (1934); R.B.
            Fuller, Oaky Doaks (1935); and Percy Crosby, whose
        rambunctious and street-wise Skippy would begin in Life (in March 1923;
        about which, more in Part Two in this series) before finding definitive form in
        a strip (which began in June 1925) but whose advent is heralded herein by a
        couple mischievous kid cartoons. 
              Some of
        the cartoonists are more widely remembered today as illustrators:  James
          Montgomery Flagg (who had been a well-known illustrator and man-about-town
        in New York since early in the century and who later tried to disown his
        dabbling in cartooning) and A.B. Frost.      
              Other
        familiar names in these pages include Charles Dana Gibson, who had set
        the fashion for feminine beauty with his Gibson Girl in the 1890s and who
        became President (publisher) of Life in April 1920; the great Gluyas
          Williams, whose starkly simple but wonderfully expressive black-and-white
        masterpieces began appearing in Life in 1919; and Harrison Cady,
        who earned his niche in American letters by illustrating the children's books
        of Thornton Burgess (since about 1913). 
              The
        best known of the cartoonists of the twenties is very nearly missing from this
        selection. John Held, Jr. sold his first drawing to Life in about
        1904 when he was 15 years old; he had mailed the cartoon in from Salt Lake
        City, his birthplace.  He came to New York in 1910 and sold drawings
        periodically to various magazines throughout the teens.  But no Held cartoons
        appeared in Life for all of 1920.  His first Life appearance of
        the decade was in the issue for January 20, 1921— illustrations for a poem. 
        Still, he was not a frequent contributor to the magazine until the middle of
        the decade; by then, his flappers had become the apotheosis of stylish
        femininity. 
              Held
        may be almost missing, but one of the best cartoonists of the previous generation
        is amply represented here.  If a cartoonist is defined simply as a person who
        draws funny pictures, then Thomas S. Sullivant is the epitome of the breed. 
        His work, signed T.S. Sulliant in slanted caps, had been appearing in Life since 1891— comic caricatures of Irishmen, laborers, animals, farmers,
        mythological beings, and Biblical characters.  Of Sullivant's drawings more
        than any other during the first quarter of the century it can be said he drew
        funny— genuinely hilarious pictures in and of themselves, without captions.  We
        laugh at his drawings regardless of the words beneath them. 
              In his
        animal cartoons, he achieved a modern verbal-visual blend:  without the
        pictures, the captions aren't at all funny; and although the pictures are funny
        by themselves, they are funnier in harness with their captions. And Sullivant's
        Biblical cartoons are subtle attacks on Fundamentalism: pretending to accept
        the Old Testament accounts as literal truth, Sullivant then reads between the
        lines and shows how it must've been back then if the Biblical tales are
        construed as actual history. 
              In
        contrast to Held and Sullivant, many of the cartoonists represented herein are
        probably unknown to the casual student of cartooning history even though they
        enjoyed considerable reputation among their contemporaries.  Robert L.
          Dickey, for example, was widely appreciated at the time for his full-age
        graphic narratives featuring the anthropomorphic antics of appealing dogs. 
        Less realistic still but not yet cartoony in style are the airy drawings of Ethel
          Plummer and the delicate sketches of Alice Harvey.            
              The
        festivities begin immediately below. In order to suggest the progress of the
        times and the evolution of the art, the cartoons are reprinted here in
        approximately the chronological order of their initial publication:  first the
        cartoons from 1920, then 1921, finally 1922.  
              Subsequent
        entries in this series will cover the rest of the decade from hum to roar,
        providing not only a comic chronicle of the Age but a historical record of the
        flowering of the panel cartoon as an art form.  
      
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