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FATHERHOOD
AND THE OFFSPRING THEREOF
Frederick
Burr Opper and Happy Hooligan
We
are reminded, by NBM’s publication lately of Frederick
Burr Opper’s Happy Hooligan (112
8x11-inch pages in color; hardcover, $24.95), of Opper’s sundry
historic achievements in cartooning. Opper was in many respects the
greatest cartoonist of his generation, the only one to achieve
success in all three forms of the art being practiced during his
lifetime: magazine panel cartoon, editorial cartoon, and comic
strip. It is in the latter that Happy Hooligan looms prominently. Opper’s strip was the first to deploy all of
the medium’s basic ingredients from its very birth.
Plainly,
the ingredients of the newspaper comic strip were accruing in various
places and under various hands during the last decade of the 19th
century. In his watershed 1947 tome, The
Comics, the venerable Coulton
Waugh, looking back on this period with the
benefit of mid-twentieth century hindsight, defined comics in terms
of their mature form. Comics, he said, embrace three elements: (1)
a narrative sequence of pictures (2) in which speech balloons are
included in the drawings, the combination showcasing (3) a character
or characters who reappear with each publication of the feature. As
I’ve said before in other places, this last quality seems to me
to be somewhat trumped up: the first two aspects of the medium are
rooted in its form; the third refers to content. Clearly, a
narrative sequence of pictures in which the characters speak through
balloons is a comic strip whether or not the characters appear again
and again. The character qualification was undoubtedly tacked on in
order to eliminate all the predecessors to the Yellow Kid, with whom
Waugh begins his history of comics, effectively consigning all
earlier manifestations of the medium to prototypical limbo.
Waugh
allows that the defining combination did not appear all at once but
accumulated through the efforts of three individuals during the
1890s. First came continuing characters: James
Swinnerton in San Francisco with his little
bears in late 1893, early 1894; Richard
Outcault in New York with the Yellow Kid in
1895.
Calling
Swinnerton’s little bears “continuing characters”
is a stretch. Swinnerton introduced a small bear, subsequently named
"Baby Monarch,” to evoke the California state symbol, the
grizzly bear, Baby Monarch being a visual device by which William
Randolph Hearst’s San Francisco Examiner promoted interest in the Midwinter Exposition
that opened in San Francisco in January 1984. Reader interest in the
little bear prompted Hearst to direct the cartoonist to do several
funny pictures of the bear to scatter throughout each edition of the
paper. When the Exposition closed, the bear began appearing regularly
in the "weather ears" at the top of the front page: in a
box reporting temperatures and a forecast, the bear would carry an
umbrella if rain were forthcoming or would be sunning himself on the
beach. I suppose that’s a continuing character, but it doesn’t
appear in a comic strip or, even, a single panel cartoon.
Outcault’s
Yellow Kid first appeared in the New York
World in a succession of large single
drawings that recorded the perverse doings of some slum kids in
“Hogan’s Alley.” The Yellow Kid was at least in a
“comic.” Outcault was the first to employ a narrative
sequence of pictures according to Waugh, but this is another of the
instances of his being mistaken. "Strips" of narrative
pictures had appeared in numerous forums well before Outcault's
tenure at Joseph Pulitzer’s World.
In the weekly humor magazines, cartoonists resorted with some
frequency to comic sequences rather than single panels. Often these
strips were pantomime. In any case, Outcault used the multiple-panel
format only occasionally.
Reportedly, Rudolph Dirks was the
first to use multi-panel strips regularly in his Katzenjammer
Kids, which began December 12, 1897.
Subsequently, after a decent interval, Dirks also made speech
balloons a fundamental aspect of the form (although they had been
employed by Outcault, too—and by other cartoonists as far back
as the 18th century in Thomas Rowlandson's cartoon spoofs of British society).
By
the turn of the century, the form as defined by Waugh had taken
shape. The Sunday comics in color were a reality. Narrative
sequences of pictures with speech balloons giving "visual voice"
to the characters, the funnies in newspapers had assimilated facets
of cartooning in other media and had emerged in a form now distinctly
different from that of their brethren in humor magazines. The three
founders of the form all eventually drew their comics in sequential
panels with the characters blurting out what they had to say in puffs
of dialogue. But the first cartoonist to begin drawing a comic strip
in its definitive form was Opper. And in the NBM volume at hand, the
second in the series, Forever Nuts: Classic Screwball Strips, we have
a healthy sampling from the first 13 years of the strip’s
32-year run.
Comic
strip researcher Allan Holtz supplies the book’s introduction, tracing Opper’s
multi-faceted cartooning career from a surprising dearth of sources.
Contemplating his diminutive pile of research material, Holtz
suddenly realized that “hardly a word” was written about
Fred Opper’s personality. Opper’s life story, compared to
such colorful characters as Swinnerton and Bud
Fisher and George
McManus and Winsor
McCay, “is little more than a set of
statistics, a sequence of career milestones that took him to the
summit of his profession but makes him as remote to us as some
ancient Egyptian pharaoh.”
In
a September 1922 issue of Circulation,
a vintage King Features promotional publication, I found Winsor McCay
making up for the deficiency with a glimpse of Opper in an article by
Penelope Clarke. McCay asked her if she’d ever met Opper, and
when she said she hadn’t, McCay said: “Then I’ll
tell you what he’s like. In the first place he is just as sweet
and kind and gentle-natured as anyone could possibly be, and he is
full of fun and genuine wit, but if he were to come into this room
now, you would probably say, ‘Ah, here is the owner of the
building, who has come into the city for the purpose of collecting
the rent. He now has it in his hip pocket, but before taking it to
the bank he is going through the building to see if any reporters or
artists have been driving nails into the walls.’ He isn’t
that way at all, you know,” continued McCay, “and after
you know him you will realize he isn’t, but that would be your
first impression.”
Clarke,
who, after meeting Opper, confirms McCay’s good opinion of the
gentle humorist, adds her own perceptions to McCay’s
description: “If you want to now what Mr. Opper looks like,
visualize a man who certainly must be more but who appears to be
about fifty years of age, a blonde, hair growing thin, blue eyes, a
face that is wreathed in smiles upon very slight provocation and upon
which there are no disfiguring lines of bad temper or unkindliness, a
generous mouth and well-balanced features, a little bit undersized in
stature, weight about 140 pounds and with a rapid movement of the
body which comes from agility, and nimbleness of brain, rather than
from nervousness.”
Without
the dubious insights offered in a blatantly promotional publication,
Holtz overcomes his disadvantage by telling us something about
Opper’s life and career, emphasizing, as I have later on, the
cartoonist’s formal pacesetting in Happy
Hooligan.
Born
in 1857 in Madison, Ohio, Opper quit school at the age of fourteen to
work in the village store; after a few months, he found work as a
printer's devil for the local weekly newspaper. While there, he
learned to set type. Always drawing "comical sketches," he
decided about a year later to go to New York where several of the
comic weeklies were published. I found Opper recounting the
experience in Orison Sweet Marden's Little
Visits with Great Americans: "My
self-esteem was not so great as to rate myself a full-fledged artist.
My idea was to obtain a position a compositor in New York, to draw
between times, and gradually to land myself where my hopes all
centered." Unhappily, he discovered that to be a compositor, he
would have to apprentice himself for three years. So he found a job
making window cards and other advertisements for a store.
"All
the leisure I had to myself," he continued, "evenings and
holidays, I spent making comic sketches, and I took them to the comic
papers—to the Phunny Phellow and Wild Oats. I just
submitted rough sketches. Soon the editors permitted me to draw the
[final] sketches also, which was a great encouragement." We
assume from this that until he’d won his editors’
permission, his cartoons were inked by someone else.
After
eight or ten months of this, Opper was able to make a living
cartooning, and he left the store to submit cartoons and drawings to Wild Oats, Harper's
Weekly, Frank
Leslie's, and Century among others. In 1877, after about five years as a freelancer, he
joined Leslie's as a
staff artist on salary, and three years later, he left for Puck,
which had been launched in 1877 by Joseph Keppler, “a
disaffected Leslie’s cartoonist.” At Puck, Opper, apprenticing to Keppler and the magazine’s other
cartoonist, James Wales, did both political cartoons and humorous
ones. In his off hours, he also illustrated several books, among
them, in 1884, humorist Bill Nye's Baled Hay, subtitled A Drier Book
than Walt Whitman’s Leaves of Grass, leading to similar assignments in other Nye tomes, including 1894's Comic History of the U.S. Deploying more realistic drawings, Opper also illustrated one of
Marietta Holley’s satirical Samantha novels, Samantha
at Saratoga, Or Racing after Fashion (1887).
As
the Gay Nineties became somewhat more somber, Holtz tells us, Opper
began to look to newspapers’ color Sunday funnies as a new and
perhaps more viable opportunity, and in 1899, he left Puck and signed with the Hearst works after a short interlude moonlighting
for the New York Herald. At
Hearst’s Evening Journal, Opper was soon drawing political cartoons “vicious in their
assaults,” saith Ben Procter in his Hearst biography, William
Randolph Hearst: The Early Years, “linking
‘coal barons’ and ‘criminal trusts’ with
Republican candidates.” To make his attacks all the more
devastating, Opper invented an enduring symbol to stand for those of
us who are forever victimized by coal barons and criminal trusts.
The
great political cartoonist Thomas Nast invented the Republican elephant and Santa Claus, but Opper invented
Mr. Common Man—"a foolish, cowed, insignificant and
contemptible pygmy" according to a contemporary account. Later,
the figure would be christened John Public, and the old Chicago
Daily News’ Vaughn Shoemaker would give
the enduring tax-paying dupe a middle initial, Q.
But
the ever-suffering common man was not the only character that debuted
in Opper’s political cartoons. “One of his most popular
and influential daily series [of editoons],” Holtz reports,
castigated the Republican party’s alliance with the moneyed
classes and the combines of business interests called “the
trusts.” (As you can see, the GOP has not changed its
allegiance much in the ensuing century.) This relationship Opper
portrayed by creating a cast of real and emblematic characters:
President William McKinley and his vice president Teddy Roosevelt
were the real personages, appearing in stinging caricature as small
mischievous and sometimes willful boys; the symbolic characters were
“the trusts,” who was cast as the father of the two boys,
and their nursemaid, Mark Hanna, the millionaire who financed the
Grand Old Pachyderm; he appeared in drag. The series was entitled Willie and His Papa and was so popular, as Holtz notes, that it was collected in a
hardcover book, Willie and His Papa and the
Rest of the Family, published by Grosset &
Dunlap in 1901.
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The
book probably produced more Opper fans than the cartoons themselves
had in their initial publication in the Hearst newspapers. A couple
years ago after a friendly altercation with another comics chronicler
about the syndicated sources of fame, I went right home and
questioned the reach of the Hearst chain and syndication. My
contention was that Jay N. “Ding”
Darling of the Des
Moines Register was the first widely
syndicated editorial cartoonist; my amicable adversary contended that
Opper, because he appeared chain-wide in the Hearst newspapers, would
have been the first. Neither of us, strictly speaking, was correct.
First,
at the time Opper started being distributed “chain-wide”
to the Hearst papers, Hearst had only three papers: San
Francisco Examiner, New York Journal, and the Chicago Herald-American. So Opper’s national circulation was relatively small compared
to what it became once the Hearst syndication operation got going.
Hearst’s International News Service, a wire service,
distributed mostly text features from 1906 to 1909; but the
distribution of comics doubtless began progressing to its apotheosis
when, in 1913, Moses Koenigsberg started the Newspaper Feature
Service, eventually christened King Features in honor of its founder
(Koenigsberg, “King-town”) in 1914.
Second,
Opper wasn’t the first editoonist in the Hearst firmament: the
first was Homer Davenport,
who, after an apprenticeships in Portland, Oregon, gravitated to the San Francisco Examiner in 1891, then to the Chicago Daily Herald in 1893 before Hearst enticed him to New York in 1895. Davenport,
then, was the first editorial cartoonist to benefit from chain-wide
distribution even though the chain had only two links at the time—one
in San Francisco and the other in New York.
Ding,
who started us on this digression, was syndicated by the Herald
Tribune, starting in 1916. By then, the
Hearst chain had grown to seven papers; and by then, King Features
was underway, too. At the time Ding’s national syndication
began in earnest, then, he would have been accompanied by both Opper
and Davenport. So maybe he wasn’t the first widely syndicated
editoonist, but, since he persisted on living in Des Moines and in
producing daily cartoons for the Des Moines
Register, which then supplied the inventory
from which the Herald Tribune plucked cartoons for syndication, Ding may be counted among the first
widely syndicated editorial cartoonists whose berth was not at the
font of his syndicate. Later, however, starting in 1926, Ding was
distributed by his newspaper’s syndicate. All of which is
beside the point, fascinating though it may be. Back to Opper.
Opper
also drew cartoons in other departments of the paper, and in early
1900, he began producing his longest-lasting creation, Happy
Hooligan, a Sunday comic strip about a
pathetic but ludicrous Irish hobo with a tin can for a hat, who could
be relied upon to lose at every opportunity. (The earliest Happy
Hooligan I've seen is a half-page comic
strip, with speech balloons, dated January 28, 1900, in the
collection of Gordon Campbell. At least, that’s what I thought
I saw, and I wrote the date on a notepad I was carrying with me when
I visited Campbell. Later, however, I wasn’t quite sure what
the date applied to and phoned Campbell, asking him Happy’s
starting date. “March 11, 1900,” he said without
hesitation, invoking the traditional debut date. Because he didn’t
double-check, I can’t be sure about the January date and must,
therefore, resort to custom. In his earliest manifestations,
incidentally, Happy was much more realistically rendered than in the
samples in this vicinity. His dented tin-can hat seemed almost a
fez.)
Opper
created many cartoon features thereafter, including And
Her Name Was Maud! about a trouble-making
mule, and Alphonse and Gaston,
whose title characters were so excessively polite as to inaugurate a
national catch-phrase. (“After you, my dear Alphonse”;
“No, after you, my dear Gaston,”quoth the duo in an
alternating chorus as they bowed and scraped to each other in
exaggerated deference.) Many of Opper’s creations of this
period were one-shots: in common with other newspaper cartoonists of
the day, Opper produced a variety of cartoon features, some on
Sundays only, some on other days of the week, sometimes several days
in succession. Some of the titles would surface for a day or so and
then disappear, and some of them came back again, off and on, for a
period of weeks or months. For a time in 1904, three of Opper’s
Sunday creations were running simultaneously—Happy,
Maud, and Alphonse and
Gaston—and sometimes Opper put them all
together in a single Sunday page. Of the miscellaneous lot, Happy lasted by far the longest, ending in 1932, when Opper was forced by
failing eyesight to lay down his pen; he died five years later.
Opper
apparently kept up his prodigious performance at Hearst until the
1920s, when he “cut back,” as Holtz puts it, to the
Sunday Happy page and
three editoons a week. Early in this stupendous run, he also
illustrated humorous books, among them D.
Dinjkelspiel: His Conversations by George V.
Hobart in 1900 and, also in 1900, Mr. Dooley’s
Philosophy by FPD in which actual political
figures appeared in caricature, a few of which can be discerned in
the sample now at our elbow.
Legend
has it that Opper was the first president of the Cartoonists Club
that started in the late 1920s. He was also, according to
Koenigsberg, the last president of the group. While all the members
could agree that Opper's age, tenure and professional stature
entitled him to the honor, they could not agree on a successor. Said
Koenigsberg (in King News):
"[The society] crashed into as many fragments as there were
members. Each was of the unalterable conviction that he merited the
chieftaincy."
I’m
not persuaded that Koenigsberg has his facts right in this scrap of
legend. There was another cartoonists organization formed in the
early 1920s in connection with Cartoons magazine. It’s president was Eugene
“Zim” Zimmerman, celebrated for
his cartoons in Judge humor magazine, and this club, like the one Koenigsberg references,
also collapsed for lack of a successor when Zim stepped down. Could
be Koenigsberg has confused Opper with Zim, or vice versa. Nice
mythology, though.
The
comedic flywheel of Happy Hooligan is starkly simple: Happy, an incurably non-calculating good-hearted
soul, tries to lend a helping hand in some innocuous enterprise he
encounters—retrieving someone’s errant hat, say, or
rescuing a cat or delivering a message—and his action misfires
in some minor way that promptly escalates to catastrophe, which, in
turn, leads to retribution by the personages whom he initially set
out to help. Typically, they pounce on the hapless Happy and beat him
up. Or his bumbling attracts the attention of nearby officers of the
law, who, before too many of these Sunday disasters, would spot their
trouble-prone victim and his ne’er-do-well relatives from afar
and yell, “It’s the Holligans!” and descend upon
the miscreants waving nightsticks.
Penelope
Clarke asked Opper if Happy had been a success from the start, and Opper said: “No—he
dragged frightfully at first. I thought at one time we would have to
drop him.”
“Do
you know what made him popular?” persisted Clarke.
“Yes,
I do,” said Opper. “He became popular because of
something that will make anyone popular. At first he was simply Happy
Hooligan, just as you see him, but he only got into trouble and that
was all. Then he began trying to help others and got into trouble
because of that. That made him. Just trying to help others. He is
awkward and ugly and illiterate, but he tries to help.”
The
strip’s charm, if that’s the word, arose from the variety
of ways Happy would be brutalized by his betters in the last two
panels of the strip, the sheer unrelenting unfairness of it all—and
in the ingenuity of Opper’s traps for his character: what new
good deed will Happy attempt that will go awry enough to precipitate
a cascade of calamity, culminating in the tramp’s being
clobbered or clapped in jail? Like many early comic strips, Happy
Hooligan was essentially a one-note joke:
Opper repeated his formula—no good deed going
unpunished—endlessly, or at least for over three decades.
Fellow
cartoonist Richard Outcault, writing in the July 1926 issue of Circulation, delivered
what he called “a tribute” to his colleague, “my
friend Opper, ‘the dean of American caricaturists,’
saying: “The kind of humor Opper gets into his drawings tickles
a certain joint in my risibility that forces a good honest laugh.
Some comics create in us a gratifying smile on our insides; some
please us on account of their ingenuity and good draftsmanship, but
Opper’s method of expression is purely an appeal to our sense
of the ridiculous. ... Humor is sanity; laughter is sanitary,”
Outcault finishes, “—Mr. Opper has done his share as a
grouch destroyer.”
Since Circulation’s function
in the world of print journalism was to promote the sale of such
features as Happy Hooligan,
we expect to find little in the publication of profound analysis, and
the fodder Outcault offers here is standard fare. But he inches up to
a profundity when he observes that although Happy gets beaten up
regularly, he just as regularly shows up the next week, eager to
perform some little act of benevolence. Outcault continues: “Happy
is a hog for punishment. If all the black eyes Hooligan has had were
looking Opper in the face, they would frighten him to death except
for one thing: there never was a look of resentment in any of those
black eyes.”
The
crude physicality of the strip’s ritual doubtless appealed to
readers in big cities in the first couple decades of the century:
many of them were newly arrived from other countries and were
illiterate in English, but they could enjoy the visual mayhem taking
place over Opper’s signature without being able to read a
single syllable. (I don’t mean to slight foreign-language
speakers: English-speaking movie-goers a few decades later doted on
the same sort of physical humor in the raucous films of the Three
Stooges. We didn’t progress much in the first forty years of
the 20th Century.)
With Opper’s comedic treatment of a mounting disaster for Happy
every week, we may have stumbled on another aspect of the strip’s
initial appeal: immigrants—and at the turn of the century and
until the 1920s, most Americans were immigrants or their parents had
been immigrants—often had a hard time: they were often beaten
down by the “land of opportunity.” And maybe they saw
themselves in Happy Hooligan, who, despite being beaten down again
and again, always came back, happy and willing to do yet another good
deed. Resilience. They saw in Happy a role model, an inspiration.
Opper
insinuated into the strip what variation he could manage fairly early
by introducing other cast members. As comics chronicler and collector
Cole Johnson observes in the NBM book’s epilogue, after a
couple years, Opper gave Happy a brother, Gloomy Gus. Writes Johnson:
“Gus was the grumpy counterpoint to his brother’s sunny
personality. When the idiotically optimistic Happy tried to help out
or do a good deed, Gloomy would pessimistically tell him not to get
involved. Sure enough, Happy would wind up in bad trouble, not to
mention the cop’s clutches. The unfairness would now be doubled
with Gloomy Gus somehow winding up with some reward at the end.”
Later
still, Opper added another Hooligan brother, Montmorency, “who
somehow had an English accent, sported a monocle, and dressed as a
ragged version of a duke.” Happy also acquired three look-alike
nephews who fragmented their utterances into successive syntax like Carl Barks’ Huey, Dewey, and Louie. Eventually, Opper widened his stage even
further by sending the Hooligans abroad for misadventures in distant
climes for long stretches of continuity and by letting Happy find
different kinds of employment—becoming a vaudeville extra, a
circus roustabout, seeking the North Pole, fighting a duel with a
count, being a guard at an insane asylum, going to China. In every
circumstance, Happy, without fail, screws up and is admonished
brutally. He was not so much the original Born Loser as he was the
Beaten Loser, as we can readily see in the samples posted in our
Gallery below.
Opper
employed the comic strip form pretty much as he found it, simply
putting all the pieces together. And he found it in the colored
Sunday supplement. The next step in the evolution of the medium
would result in establishing the daily "strip" format. And
that was achieved by Harry Conway "Bud" Fisher in 1907, but
that, as they say, is another story, one we told here in November
2007 by way of celebrating the centennial of the daily newspaper
comic strip. And now, the Happy Gallery.
An
earlier, shorter, version of this tirade appeared in The
Comics Journal, No. 297, in the spring
of 2009, albeit without as many pictures.
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